The Brief, Sparkling Life of the Collected Essays

“Churchill was never a dull man, was almost incapable of writing or speaking a dull sentence, and his essays were nearly always imaginative. As a biographical record these essays are therefore unique; as literary yardsticks they are of great interest; and as historical and political footnotes they are indispensable to an understanding of Churchill and his place in the history of his times.” —Michael Wolff

“Suppose Churchill had lost those votes of confidence in 1942. Simply by being in place while the consequences of his earlier efforts played out, his successor surely would have the credit. The reasoning would have been—in a delicious irony—that the triumphs could not possibly be of Churchill, because 1939-42 proved that he simply did not know how to win.”

The 1946 Churchill-Stalin exchange was remarkably similar to Churchill’s with Hitler eight years earlier: “I am surprised that the head of a great State should set himself to attack British members of Parliament who hold no official position and who are not even the leaders of parties.” Martin Gilbert’s official biography informs our knowledge Churchill’s consistency.

By examining Gladstone and Disraeli, Churchill reminds us that even the most bitter political rivalries of the day can induce significant change if calibrated to a nation's interest. Politics is a contest where people choose the best candidate for the job. We could take these lessons to heart and seek prudence and guidance in the crises of our own day.

The evidence suggests that Churchill had a most prosaic source for phrase that quickly became his, © Fulton, 1946. But his many references to “iron curtain” make for an interesting line of enquiry. It shows (to our surprise) that Churchill used the term at least six times before he arrived to stun the world in Missouri.

Churchill described Curzon’s funeral as “dull and dreary,” but he had “faced his end with fortitude and philosophy. I am v[er]y sorry he is gone. I did not think the tributes were v[er]y generous. I w[oul]d not have been grateful for such stuff. But he did not inspire affection, nor represent g[rea]t causes.”

The crippled President claimed Leahy was his “leg man,” but really used him to help understand complex military issues associated with waging a world war against two technologically advanced and aggressive nations. Leahy was also to serve as the first chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff above General Marshall, Admiral King, and General Arnold of the Army Air Corps. Leahy rarely took a contentious point of view during JCS deliberations. Instead he preferred to persuade FDR in private on courses of action he favored.

Churchill’s is largely a military account, with sentiments that that surprise some. “We march with Lee and Jackson, with Stuart, with Longstreet, and with Early through autumn woodlands…. Virginia, the proud Founder State…trampled upon, disinherited, impoverished, riven asunder….” Yet Churchill is not pro-Confederacy. His instincts were always with liberty.

The Collected Works raised problems of scholarship. Certain volumes were reset and reedited. Some volumes were taken from editions, which differed radically from the originals. In all, only eight volumes and half of a ninth, offprinted from first or early impressions, contained the original text and pagination. Seven volumes were offprinted from later editions. The other 18 1/2 volumes, though improved with uniform type and better maps, bear no resemblance to the originals. However magnificent in appearance, they are not bibliographically compelling.

In 1942 Churchill broadcast on a four-year plan for postwar reconstruction, including what he called “the spacious domain of public health…. I was brought up on the maxim of Lord Beaconsfield which my father was always repeating: ‘Health and the laws of health’…. Here let me say there is no finer investment in any community than putting milk into babies. Healthy citizens are the greatest asset any country can have.”

Recovery and careful reform fostered prosperity at home and the Empire abroad, “based upon Government by consent, and the voluntary association of autonomous states under the Crown,” Churchill writes. “At the death of Queen Victoria it might well have been believed that the problems of past centuries were far on the high-road to gradual solution”

“German peoples. Within the wider framework of the UNO [United Nations Organization] a Council of Europe has been set up…. I have long believed in the idea of a United Europe. In the turbulent year 1943 I said… ‘We must try to make this Council of Europe into a really effective league with a High Court to adjust disputes and with armed forces, national or international or both, held ready to enforce its decisions and to prevent renewed aggression. This Council must eventually embrace the whole of Europe.’” —WSC